Diversity in News Media
Prior to the civil rights movement in the 1960s, little official attention focused on the employment of people of color in the media. By the late 1960s, Government agencies are formed to address equal employment. As a result of the Kerner Report, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the Civil Rights Commission and the FCC all focus on media employment practices.
In 1969 the EEOC concluded that due to “…the fact that the industry plays a critical role in influencing public opinion and creating this countries image of itself…” that “… in order to portray accurately the nation’s minority groups, the industry must employ minority personnel at all levels…” The EEOC finds that adequate representation for AHANAs in media is not possible without their direct involvement in the industry.
In 1977 the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights came to several conclusions about the hiring of AHANAs in television. Executives assumed that realistic depictions of AHANAs would detract from acquiring the largest possible audience. AHANA employment in television was misrepresented in reports to the FCC. AHANAs were not employed at all levels of station management or local station operations. White males made the majority of decisions. AHANAs held assistant positions. AHANA representation on-air did not equate to representation behind the scenes, or “Window Dressing.”
From 1978 onward, AHANA employment in Daily Newspapers steadily increases until 1998, where the percentage increase between 1998 and 2001 is 0.1%, dropping from a 1.7% increase in 1998 and a 2.8% increase in 1993, which appears to be the peak of the percentage increase per year.
AHANAs are still difficult to find in decision making positions of news media. “In 2001, the American Society of Newspaper Editors reported that 9% of daily newspaper supervisors were people of color (up from 7% in 1992) and that 19% of all non-White newspaper employees were in supervisory positions.”
Racial insensitivity has been seen to be prevalent among news editors, the opinion that hiring AHANAs reduces the quality of a newspaper is still lingering as recent as 2001, when R.D. Volkman of the North Sioux City Times concluded that hiring AHANAs “is dangerous for newspapers who plan for a long future.” For many years prior, the news industry claimed that there simply weren’t qualified minorities to hire, as this was proven wrong the excuse changed that they couldn’t keep any of the qualified AHANAs which were hired. In 2001, newspapers hired 600 entry level AHANA journalists, however 698 left the industry that year. Also in 2001, at an ASNE convention a man wildly stereotyped the Chinese in a display which revealed the true mindset of many editors.
Reasons for AHANA departure include: “…papers cover issues of concern to their racial consituency marginally or poorly…”; “Journalists of color were twice as likely as their White colleagues to believe that race plays a role in newsroom assignments, promotions and advancement.”; and “… newsroom managers and supervisors doubt the ability of journalists of color to perform their jobs adequately.” Pease and Smith called AHANA journalists “besieged,” and rightly so, as not only was management unsupporting of journalists of color but issues important to AHANAs were simply not covered adequately, painting a somewhat futile work environment for AHANAs as journalists.
Journalists of color today are still leaving the profession due to similar problems, “citing the lack of diverse perspectives in news coverage and charging their superiors with a lack of respect for their skills.” Not much has changed since Pease and Smith’s 1991 research. With a history of distorting employment statistics and marginalization/insensitivity to racial issues, it can be seen that while employment percentages have risen since 1978, AHANAs still do not receive adequate representation or voice in the press, and as a result racial discrimination still exists in the news media today.
The Apprentice
The Apprentice, while not specifically about race, “contained (and reinforced) racial messages that are part of the dominant American ideology.” In creating media which appeals to American society, the values and standards of what is perceived normal American life are reinforced. Underlying racial ideologies can be found. The current “racial status quo” has Whites at the top, with AHANAs underrepresented in nearly all aspects of American life.
From the beginning, The Apprentice shows a lack of AHANA representation – the world is white and black. Katrina, a Cuban American, is never recognized as such, and while Tammy’s biography identifies her as an Asian American, neither her culture or ethnicity are addressed on camera. Both Katrina and Tammy were characterized only as females, portrayed as sex objects and dramatics.
Omarosa and Kwame received perhaps the worst stereotyping. Omarosa was “…presented as embodying the ‘bad black’ stereotype, she became the character the audience was invited to dislike…” Her depiction as a “…combative, lazy, self-pitying complainer who did not work well with others…” is not only a stereotype, but is a stereotype that is intentionally utilized by the shows creators. “Yet, she remained on the show longer than her talents seemed to justify.” The drama created through her stereotypical behaviour helped keep the audience, and so her personality was harnessed even beyond her participation in the “game” of the Apprentice. In my mind, this highlights an issue in the membership of the audience as well as the creators, who are drawn to drama created by stereotypical personalities, it is apparent that as a society we have not progressed much farther than minstrel shows.
Kwame, almost entirely opposite of Omarosa, is stereotyped as that of the “good black.” His devotion to being Troy’s sidekick, subordinate demeanor and complacency all represent the image of a follower. Kwame presents no danger to whiteness, as he listens to directions, never talks backs, and defers to his white partners judgment on important matters. In terms of the show, this backfired for Kwame at the end when his subordinate personality became the reason for his firing.
In the case of both Omarosa and Kwame, the message delivered to Whites is that “they” (as Black) are solely responsible and at fault for their failure, and their failure is due in no part to White ideals or systems. This is evidence of the dominant White view in today’s media, it illustrates the self serving nature that media promotes the White status quo and shelters itself from racial insecurity while failing to represent the reality of AHANAs that are not encompassed by stereotypes.
Racial Politics in Film and Television
Entertainment and news media repeatedly show certain types of people in certain roles, and by doing this they encourage us to see others and ourselves in certain ways. This is referred to as the “politics of representation.” While not necessarily self conscious, ideology on how society should work often operates on a subconscious level and is still promoted.
“Entertainment does not just tell stories, it tells particular stories in a way that privileges some people and points of view over others.” Unconsciously, then, privileged White ideals form a hierarchy in narrative structure that puts the White race above others, and promotes a dominant/subordinate relationship.
Entertainment reinforces the subordinate role of AHANAs through a variety of methods, including exclusion, selective exclusion, stereotyping, and system supported themes. Media without diversity “promote an inaccurate picture of American society.” AHANAs are not presented as role models and do not see the contributions of other AHANAs. Exclusion hides social problems, presenting them as inclusive issues that do not effect society as a whole.
Selective exclusion depicts AHANAs in ways that “constrains or misrepresents them.” This can happen in a variety of ways, such as ignoring national or ethnic variations within a race, such as difference between Native American tribes. By omitting these details and grouping the “other” together, the representations of AHANAs are crippled, implying that their only important feature is that they are not White.
Both positive and negative stereotyping are detrimental to AHANAs. Even sympathetic stereotypes, such as the noble savage, suggest inferiority to whites as it characterizes and confines Native Americans to a certain role. Stereotyping implies an inferiority, and suggests that it is only natural that subordinate roles are filled by those stereotyped. Stereotyping works negatively on the population it stereotypes, as well, “we have learned to settle for less – to accept the fact that we are either decorative, invisible or one dimensional.”
System-supportive themes are prevalent in “sincere fictions.” Essentially White fantasies, narrative is used in media to show that Whites are natural leaders which AHANAs are destined to follow. “The messianic white self is the redeemer of the weak, the great leader who saves black from slavery or oppression, rescues people of color from poverty and disease, or leads Indians in battle for their dignity and survival.”
Indeed, films such as Amistad and The Last Samurai come to mind, where even in stories rooted in another ethnicities history, where the oppressors are in fact White men, a White main character is still the AHANA’s advocate and lead savior from other White men. Amistad, the story of a slave ship fighting for it’s independence, has hardly any African heroes. All Africans in the film are depicted as unintelligible, illiterate, savages. One male African, played by Djimon Hounsou, could have been the hero and main advocate of his people, but is forced to share this with Matthew McConnaughey, who represents the white messiah and advocate of subordinate Africans.
The Last Samurai is similar, in that even though the West is conquering the East; Tom Cruise the White messiah abandons his own people and joins the Samurai to help them find their own glory. This puts Tom Cruise as the White savior, promoting a status quo that even in cultures that have nothing to do with White society, a White man can still assimilate and become their leader.
This sort of systematic reinforcement maintains Whites as dominant leaders, capable of overcoming any odds in any circumstances. It usurps the real leaders in favor of an all encompassing White hero-messiah which can solve any problem, and promotes the notion that all AHANAs were meant to be lead by Whites. This sort of theme suggests in the minds of audiences that racial inequality is the fault of AHANAs. AHANAs are painted as inept and incompetent, too weighed down by their own problems to help themselves, necessitating the help of the White man. Simultaneously this promotes Whites own self worth while promoting AHANAs as subordinate and less capable.
Conclusions
As these articles have illustrated, there is a severe gap between what is real in society and what is portrayed as real in today’s media. While AHANA employment in the media industries fails to meet parity quantitatively, media produced by White decision makers fails to meet parity qualitatively as well. As Kwame and Omarosa showed us, when AHANAs are depicted in popular media such as the Apprentice they often fall into categories of “good” or “bad.” Subservience is the sign of a “good” AHANA, and loud, over the top misconduct is the sign of “bad” AHANAs. Such limited representation of different cultures causes stereotypes. It is clear that unless we want years of more sincere fictions, AHANA employment in media industries is imperative.
Key Points for Discussion
Diversity in News Media -
1.Racial insensitivity among news editors has been prevalent for decades.
2.Excuses consistently made as to why AHANA employment has not increased.
3.Statistics are skewed by media companies by renaming positions to seem as though more AHANAs work in management.
4.In 2001, although 600 new AHANA journalists were hired, 698 quit.
5.AHANA journalists complain that “papers cover issues of concern to their racial constituency marginally or poorly.”; “Journalists of color were twice as likely as their White colleagues to believe that race plays a role in newsroom assignments, promotions and advancement.” and “newsroom managers and supervisors doubt the ability of journalists of color to perform their jobs adequately.” So, they are forced to work in an environment of constant anxiety due to their skin color, meanwhile the reports they are sent to cover aren’t taken seriously or aren’t as important and meanwhile their bosses expect them to fail.
The Apprentice -
1.Omarosa and Kwame are put into roles of “bad black” and “good black”, respectively.
2.Both Omarosa and Kwame are utilized for their stereotypes, and then removed from the game when they are no longer needed. Omarosa is even brought back after she was kicked off, and stayed on much longer than expected due to the popularity of her drama.
3.Stereotyping such as Omarosa’s and Kwame’s reinforces White’s own ideals that it is not the fault of the system, but the fault of the people failing to assimilate into it.
Racial Politics in Film and Television -
1.While not always conscious, the politics of representation effect everything we see.
2.Modern politics of representation involves privileged White ideals forming a hierarchy that puts the White race above others, and promotes a dominant/subordinate relationship.
3.AHANAs are not presented as role models and do not see the contributions of other AHANAs.
4.Exclusion hides social problems, presenting AHANA issues as inclusive that do not affect society as a whole.
5.Selective exclusion marginalizes or generalizes entire cultures, such as Native American tribes being considered the same.
6.Both positive and negative stereotyping are detrimental to society, stereotyping implies inferiority and suggests it is only natural that subordinate roles are filled by those stereotyped.
7.System supportive themes such as sincere fictions allow Whites to see themselves as heroes, even in circumstances where Whites are the oppressors.
8.Sincere fictions promote the idea of the White messiah, willing to lead any other culture to victories that they would otherwise be unable to accomplish. This simultaneous promotes Whites self worth while presenting AHANAs as subordinate and less capable.
References
Wilson/Gutierrez/Chao. (2003) Access: Toward Diversity With (Un) Deliberate Speed. In Racism, Sexism, and the Media: The Rise of Class Communication in Multicultural America. Thousand Oaks California, Sage Publications.
Larson. Reality Television: American Myths and Racial Ideology. In Bramlett-Solomon, Sharon (Ed.) MCO 460 Race, Gender and Media. Phoenix, AZ. Alphagraphics: pp 117-125.
Larson. Racial Politics in Fictional Media: Films and Television. In Bramlett-Solomon, Sharon (Ed.) MCO 460 Race, Gender and Media. Phoenix, AZ. Alphagraphics: pp 126-134.
Diversity in Prime-Time TV
Joan L. Conners. (2008) “Color TV? Diversity in Prime-Time TV.” In Bramlett-Solomon, Sharon (Ed.) MCO 460 Race, Gender and Media. Phoenix, AZ. Alphagraphics: pp 161-67.
Problem.
Prime-Time TV does not represent the population of our country in parity. Major networks, under pressure from NAACP have begun focusing on diversity, however current television does not provide adequate representation. While 6.0% of children say there aren’t enough White main characters on television, 41.0% say there aren’t enough African Americans, 75.0% say there aren’t enough Hispanics and 79.0% say there aren’t enough Asians. Without proper representation, children may not feel their race is important or included and they are not provided with role models that they can identify with.
Method.
This study analyzes racial representation in comedy and drama prime-time television shows. The analysis is of 748 characters in 63 prime-time programs, and focuses on both the number of members of each race depicted as well as the context within which their character is placed and the importance of that character to the show.
Findings.
Racial Proportions on Prime-Time TV:
73.9% of all characters were White. 25.1% of all characters were AHANAs. Both Whites and African Americans are found to be overrepresented in TV portrayals. While Whites represent 64.9% of sitcom characters and 78.8% of dramatic characters, 11.1% of African Americans are found in dramas but a staggering 30.9% are found in sitcoms. 46.6% of all African American characters appear on the WB and UPN. 3.7% of drama characters were Hispanic and 1.9% of drama characters were Asian, compared to 1.5% Hispanic in sitcoms and 0.8% in sitcoms. While African American characters are more likely to be found in sitcoms, both Asian and Hispanic characters are more likely to be found in dramas.
Racial Proportions in Major and Minor Roles:
42.9% of White characters were in major roles, with 57.1% in minor roles. African American characters were 37.0% in major roles and 63.0% in minor roles. Although Hispanics are comparatively rare, they are more likely to hold a major role compared to other racial groups, with 45.5% major roles and 54.5% minor roles. Asians rarely held leading roles with only 27.3% as major characters and 72.7% as minor.
Character Race by Portrayal:
48.8% of White characters are portrayed positively, 28.4% neutrally and 22.8% negatively.
50% of Hispanic characters are portrayed positively, 22.7% neutrally and 27.3% negatively.
51.1% of African American characters are portrayed positively, 40.7% neutrally and 8.1% negatively.
45.5% of Asian character are portrayed positively, 45.5% neutrally and 9.1% negatively.
All races studied are more likely to appear in a positive role than a negative one, with Hispanics portraying the highest percentage of negative roles.
Evaluation.
This study finds that parity in diversity has not yet been reached. The unbalanced representation of African Americans in comedic vs. dramatic television suggests a bias towards how African American talent is utilized. Knowing that media shapes the public view, the programming examined suggests African Americans are perceived as comedic as opposed to dramatic, whereas Hispanics and Asians are seen as more dramatic than comedic. This is a problem as it creates a common ideology that places all African Americans as comedians and all Hispanics and Asians as dramatic, simply because their representation is unbalanced.
While the author does not draw many conclusions from the data gathered about racial proportions in major and minor roles or character race by portrayal, the data hints at how parity, while not perfect, has gotten better. Surprisingly, by percentage, Whites have comparatively fewer major roles than Hispanics. While Hispanics are more likely to be depicted as negative compared to other races, all races are depicted favorably more often than negatively. As suggested by the author, the steps networks need to take involve hiring more AHANA’s as producers and writers, and also paying attention to the types of roles depicted.
Discussion.
1.Why is it important for AHANA children to see their race depicted?
2.What opportunity are many television shows with diverse casts missing out on? What is this called?
3.Which groups of AHANA’s are most likely to be found in which types of programming, and why is this an issue?
4.Which two networks contained the majority of African Americans on TV? Why?
5.Besides the actual numbers of AHANA’s found on television, what is an important aspect of their depiction?
6.What inference can be drawn from Table 7.2 illustrating progress in diversity on television?